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2020.09.27 00:01 DramaticPatience0 [HIRING] 40 Jobs in WY Hiring Now!
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|Engineering Associates||Engineering Associates: Project Manager With A Pe (Saratoga) / Civil Engineering Technician (Cody)||Saratoga|
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2020.09.25 19:18 upstatesub25 25 [F4M] 1950’s-esque [Upstate, NY] 😽
2020.09.12 02:44 StevenStevens43 Joan of Arc I
Brutus of Troy:submitted by StevenStevens43 to AhrensburgCulture [link] [comments]
According to Celtic mythology, Brutus of Troy was the first king of Britain in 1112 BC.
Brutus of Troy
Brutus, or Brute of Troy, is a legendary descendant of the Trojan hero Aeneas, known in medieval British history as the eponymous founder and first king of Britain.Link for photo
Brutus is supposed to be the Brother of Aeneas Silvius..
. A more detailed story, set before the foundation of Rome, follows, in which Brutus is the grandson or great grandson of AeneasLink for photo.jpg)
And they are both considered to be descended from the first king of Alba longa.
Aeneas Silvius (said to have reigned 1110-1079 BC) is the son of Silvius), in some versions grandson of Ascanius and great-grandson, grandson or son of Aeneas. He is the third in the list of the mythical kings of Alba Longa in Latium, and the Silvii regarded him as the founder of their house.Link for photo
Now, Alba longa, is, in actual fact, quite factually an early aristocratic location, approximately 12 miles from modern day Rome, that was subjugated by the early Romans in the 7th Century, and as we have already established in a previous thread, named "Proto-Greek trojans", Latin was a language that the Romans picked up from the Dorian invasion, which was a Hittite invasion, from Indo-Aryans.
Alba Longa (occasionally written Albalonga in Italian sources) was an ancient Latin) city in Central Italy, 12 miles (19 km) southeast of Rome, in the Alban Hills. Founder and head of the Latin League, it was destroyed by the Roman Kingdom around the middle of the 7th century BC, and its inhabitants were forced to settle in Rome.Link for photo
I would also just like to quickly point out, that Alba "has always" either, been the name for Scotland, or alternative Gaelic name for Scotland, and was even the name for the Island of Britain, before the Romans pushed the Alba border up to Hadrians wall.
Alba (English: /ˈælbə/) is the Scottish Gaelic name (pronounced [ˈal̪ˠapə]) for Scotland. It is cognate with the Irish term Alba (gen. Alban, dat. Albain) and the Manx term Nalbin, the two other Goidelic Insular Celtic languages, as well as contemporary words used in Cornish (Alban) and Welsh (Yr Alban), both of which are Brythonic Insular Celtic languages. (The third surviving Brythonic language, Breton, instead uses Bro-Skos, meaning 'country of the Scots'.) In the past these terms were names for Great Britain as a whole, related to the Brythonic name Albion.Link for photo
Now Brutus was not the only "Trojan" that had been supposedly enslaved in Greece, to have ended up escaping enslavement, and becoming a king of Britain.
Corineus partnered Brutus, and became king of Cornwall.
Corineus, in medieval British legend, was a prodigious warrior, a fighter of giants, and the eponymous founder of Cornwall.
According to Geoffrey of Monmouth's History of the Kings of Britain (1136), he led the descendants of the Trojans who fled with Antenor) after the Trojan War and settled on the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea. After Brutus, a descendant of the Trojan prince Aeneas, had been exiled from Italy and liberated the enslaved Trojans in Greece, he encountered Corineus and his people
Link for photo
Corineus. likely location stonehenge
Now, whilst all we have for the Trojan war, is incoherent, likely usurped myths and legends, this does not take away that fact, that at this period in time, there truly was a war being fought between the Indo-European Hittite empire, and Greece.
As we established in the previous "Proto-Greek trojan thread, the Kaskas were a Greek army that attacked the Hittites, causing the Hittites to add Greece to their list of enemies.
The Kaska, probably originating from the eastern shore of the Propontis, may have displaced the speakers of the Palaic language from their home in Pala).Link for photo
Now, as we have already established in many previous threads, the real enemies of the Hittites, were the Egyptians, fighting over the land of Mesopotamia.
And Ramesses III won a battle against Sea peoples, and those that he did not kill, he enslaved and enlisted in to the Egyptian army, and then rehomed in Dan, in Canaan.
Tenure of constant war
Ramesses III incorporated the Sea Peoples as subject peoples and settled them in southern Canaan. Their presence in Canaan may have contributed to the formation of new states in this region such as Philistia after the collapse of the Egyptian Empire in Asia. Ramesses III was also compelled to fight invading Libyan tribesmen in two major campaigns in Egypt's Western Delta in his Year 5 and Year 11 respectively.Link for photo
Northerners from all lands:
And of course, as we have already established in previous threads, Merneptah described the Sea peoples as being "Northerners from all lands".
[Beginning of the victory that his majesty achieved in the land of Libya] -I, Ekwesh, Teresh, Lukka, Sherden, Shekelesh, Northerners coming from all lands.Link for photo
Romulus and Remus:
Ok, so, now that i have implied that it would not be in the least bit unbelievable, that Hittites from Northern regions, did indeed escape enslavement whilst making war in the Medes, during this precise period, i will now go to one of Romes greatest legends.
Apparently the founders of Rome, were Romulus and Remus, from the first king of Alba.
In legend, Romulus and Remus, founders of Rome, had come from the royal dynasty of Alba Longa, which in Virgil's Aeneid had been the bloodline of Aeneas, a son of Venus).Link for photo
She wolf and Twins
Cunedagius & Marganus
Now, if there is any truth in the Romulus & Remus legend, it would almost definitely mean that Rome was founded by Brits, from Albion.
This is due to the fact, that the Romulus and Remus legend, is almost definitely taken from the Celtic legend, of Cordelia.
Cordelia of Britain
Queen Cordelia (or Cordeilla) was a legendary Queen of the Britons), as recounted by Geoffrey of Monmouth. She was the youngest daughter of Leir and the second ruling queen of pre-Roman Britain.Cordelia of Britain:
You see, Cordelia of Britain, is said to have been the first born princess of Queen Goneril and King Regan, right around the time of the Romulus and Remus narrative.
Now, Cordelias parents decided to split up her kingdom between her younger brothers and sisters, and she was so displeased with this, that she ended up being deported from Britain, and went to live in Gaul, with king of the Franks.
However, a few years later, she came back to Britain with the King of the Franks and his army, and conquered Britain.
King Aganippus temporarly became king of Britain, before dying, and Cordelia became queen of Britain.
A proper she-wolf?
Leir became exiled from Britain and fled to Cordelia in Gaul, seeking a restoration of his throne which had been seized by the husbands of his other daughters. She raised an army and invaded Britain, defeating the ruling dukes and restoring Leir. After Leir's death three years later, Cordelia's husband Aganippus died, and she returned to Britain and was crowned queen.Link for photo
Death of Cordelia:
Cordelia ruled peacefully for five years.
But her sisters sons despised her, and they killed her, and crowned themselves.
However Cuniedagius ended up killing Marganus.
Cordelia ruled peacefully for five years until her sisters' sons, Cunedagius and Marganus, came of age. As the dukes of Cornwall and Albany, respectively, they despised the rule of a woman when they claimed proper descent to rule. They raised armies and fought against Cordelia, who fought in person at numerous battles. She was captured and imprisoned by her nephews. In her grief, she committed suicide. Cunedagius succeeded her in the kingship of Britain in the lands southwest of the Humber. Marganus ruled the region northeast of the Humber. Civil war broke out between them soon after, with Marganus' being defeated and killed.Link for photo
Perhaps Cunedagius killed Marganus over rulership of Rome?
After-all, Cunedagius son, and next king of Britain, was named "Rivallo".
Cunedagius killed him and became king of all of Britain. He ruled all of Britain for 33 years and was succeeded by his son Rivallo.Rome:
And it is not true that Rome was only founded "after" the Romulus and Remus legend.
Archaeological evidence supports Rome being an established City, dating back to the 8th Century BC.
These developments, which according to archaeological evidence took place during the mid-eighth century BC, can be considered as the "birth" of the city.Link for photo
And archaeological evidence also suggests, that the city of Rome was slowly built by developing villages, dating as far back as the Younger dryas
While there have been discoveries of archaeological evidence of human occupation of the Rome area from approximately 14,000 years ago, the dense layer of much younger debris obscures Palaeolithic and Neolithic sites.Link for photo
Pyramid of Gaius
2020.09.02 12:03 remote-enthusiast Collection of 75 remote jobs published in last 24h
2020.08.28 00:17 LindMcmore Semen – the next Super Food!
2020.08.18 04:21 Sageburner712 Every historical event mentioned in Video 1 (1961-62)
2020.08.07 04:59 lonestarroad What we do know about Ghislaine Maxwell
2020.08.07 04:57 lonestarroad What we do know about Ghislaine Maxwell
2020.08.06 18:11 highonehand Clijsters, Bellis, Osuigwe get US Open Wildcards – Press Release
2020.08.05 18:33 CausticPenguino Diamond Casino Heist Guide + TIPS - Written by /u/DatCamaroGuy
2020.08.05 18:27 DramaticPatience0 [HIRING] 40 Jobs in MS Hiring Now!
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2020.07.28 16:31 Valuable_Tree8556 moving to pnw from cincinnati
2020.07.28 07:43 superiorpanda When someone asks why you think the COVID-19 death rate is not a concern to keep the economy open, show them this new CDC Report to Congress. It includes a lot of easter eggs but the big one is this: "Death rates are highest among non-Hispanic blacks (64.6 per 100,000) " that's 0.000645%. Not 3.4%??
Using the data from CDC's COVID-NET collaboration of hospitals that represent 10% of the US population, hospitalization rates among non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaska Natives are approximately 4.5 times that of non-Hispanic White people at 244.7 per 100,000 population, and non-Hispanic Black people have a rate approximately 3.5 times that of non-Hispanic White people at 185.3 per 100,000 population.
Using national death certificate data, the death rate per 100,000 population was highest for nonHispanic Blacks at 64.6 deaths per 100,000 population. This is more than 2 times the death rate per 100,000 for Hispanic or Latinos at 32.4 per 100,000 population, non-Hispanic Whites at 30.8 per 100,000 population, non-Hispanic Asians at 30.1 deaths per 100,000 population and nonHispanic American Indian or Alaska Natives at 36.7 deaths per 100,000 population.
NonHispanic Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander had the lowest death rates at 4.0 per 100,000 population. Since the last report to the Committees, CDC has added one new section to highlight progress made to better describe efforts to monitor and mitigate the effects of this pandemic. The new "County Level Analysis" section summarizes a new method of identifying geographic areas where diffe~ent racial and ethnic groups might be disproportionately affected by COVID-19. Using reported case data, we identified counties with a recent high burden of COVID-19 cases (more than 100 new cases per 100,000 population in the past two weeks) and outlined some of the counties where non-Hispanic Blacks and Hispanics or Latinos may be experiencing increased risk of COVID-19. In addition, CDC continues to refine methodologies for providing Congress with data indicating counties that represent locations in which different racial and ethnic groups live and will update our methodology and provide more data when available.
All Cases As of June 28, 2020, 2,459,472 probable and confirmed cases of COVID-19 in the U.S. including 124,976 deaths had been re orted. The cumulative case rate is 661.1 per 100,000 population. Figure 3, below, displays the number of new probable and confirmed COVID-19 cases reported each day in the U.S. since the beginning of the outbreak. Data on cases and deaths are updated daily on CDC's website. (NOT THESE)
Finally, the "Looking Forward" section of the report outlines specific projects what CDC is undertaking to address health disparities among racial/ethnic groups.
Looking Forward CDC's Chief Health Equity Office ensures an all-of-response approach to identifying and addressing COVID-19 health disparities. CDC is implementing a health equity strategy to ensure that key data are available to identify those most affected by this pandemic and that programssuch as those culturally and linguistically responsive, high impact programs that are tailored to address the unique circumstances of groups at increased risk for COVID-19 - are implemented. The health equity strategy prioritizes:
• Expanding the evidence base to increase our understanding of the factors that lead to the disproportionate burden of COVID-19 in some populations. 30
• Expanding testing, contact tracing, isolation options, and preventive care and disease management in populations at increased risk for COVID-19.
• Expanding programs and practice activities to support essential and frontline workers to prevent spread of COVID-19.
• Expanding cultural responsiveness and application of health equity principles among an increasingly diverse COVID-19 responder workforce.
CDC is supporting local activities in some African American communities - as well as Hispanic/Latino, Asian American, American Indian and Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander communities. Community capacity must be strengthened nationwide to support and advance these types of activities. For example, "A Southern Strategy for addressing COVID-19 among non-Hispanic Blacks and/or African Americans living in the southeast region of the United States" is mobilizing African American communities at high-risk for COVID-19 morbidity and mortality to adopt and sustain community mitigation strategies to prevent COVID19 in New Orleans, LA, Albany, GA, and Jackson, MS. Specifically, these strategies include testing for COVID-19, facilitating contact tracing, promoting face coverings and social distancing, and identifying mental health issues associated with COVID-19. Academic institutions with strong, documented community partnerships with the African American community in each city will leverage their influence and expertise in collaboration with trusted community organizations and leaders to implement project activities. This includes creating a 3- state consortium inclusive of community partners to share strategies, tackle barriers, and craft lessons learned that can be replicated across the southeastern region. Over time, this broad-based community engagement and collaboration aims to ensure equitable access to testing, health care, and future COVID-19 vaccines.
2020.07.27 17:30 pahohi1327JJul Christian and Single Da-ting S-ite
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2020.07.15 17:31 I-XLR8 Ghislaine made the following User Contributions to "Corporate Groups". Epstein name linked to many
2020.07.13 17:24 cstar1996 Letter from a Birmingham Jail
My Dear Fellow Clergymen:
While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have little time for anything other than such correspondence in the course of the day, and I would have no time for constructive work. But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I want to try to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms.
I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the view which argues against "outsiders coming in." I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state, with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty five affiliated organizations across the South, and one of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Frequently we share staff, educational and financial resources with our affiliates. Several months ago the affiliate here in Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented, and when the hour came we lived up to our promise. So I, along with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here. I am here because I have organizational ties here.
But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the prophets of the eighth century B.C. left their villages and carried their "thus saith the Lord" far beyond the boundaries of their home towns, and just as the Apostle Paul left his village of Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco Roman world, so am I compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid.
Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds.
You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations. I am sure that none of you would want to rest content with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and does not grapple with underlying causes. It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community with no alternative.
In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist; negotiation; self purification; and direct action. We have gone through all these steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community. Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of brutality is widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts. There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation. These are the hard, brutal facts of the case. On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the latter consistently refused to engage in good faith negotiation.
Then, last September, came the opportunity to talk with leaders of Birmingham's economic community. In the course of the negotiations, certain promises were made by the merchants--for example, to remove the stores' humiliating racial signs. On the basis of these promises, the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth and the leaders of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights agreed to a moratorium on all demonstrations. As the weeks and months went by, we realized that we were the victims of a broken promise. A few signs, briefly removed, returned; the others remained. As in so many past experiences, our hopes had been blasted, and the shadow of deep disappointment settled upon us. We had no alternative except to prepare for direct action, whereby we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of the local and the national community. Mindful of the difficulties involved, we decided to undertake a process of self purification. We began a series of workshops on nonviolence, and we repeatedly asked ourselves: "Are you able to accept blows without retaliating?" "Are you able to endure the ordeal of jail?" We decided to schedule our direct action program for the Easter season, realizing that except for Christmas, this is the main shopping period of the year. Knowing that a strong economic-withdrawal program would be the by product of direct action, we felt that this would be the best time to bring pressure to bear on the merchants for the needed change.
Then it occurred to us that Birmingham's mayoral election was coming up in March, and we speedily decided to postpone action until after election day. When we discovered that the Commissioner of Public Safety, Eugene "Bull" Connor, had piled up enough votes to be in the run off, we decided again to postpone action until the day after the run off so that the demonstrations could not be used to cloud the issues. Like many others, we waited to see Mr. Connor defeated, and to this end we endured postponement after postponement. Having aided in this community need, we felt that our direct action program could be delayed no longer.
You may well ask: "Why direct action? Why sit ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path?" You are quite right in calling for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored. My citing the creation of tension as part of the work of the nonviolent resister may sound rather shocking. But I must confess that I am not afraid of the word "tension." I have earnestly opposed violent tension, but there is a type of constructive, nonviolent tension which is necessary for growth. Just as Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from the bondage of myths and half truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and objective appraisal, so must we see the need for nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society that will help men rise from the dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of understanding and brotherhood. The purpose of our direct action program is to create a situation so crisis packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation. I therefore concur with you in your call for negotiation. Too long has our beloved Southland been bogged down in a tragic effort to live in monologue rather than dialogue.
One of the basic points in your statement is that the action that I and my associates have taken in Birmingham is untimely. Some have asked: "Why didn't you give the new city administration time to act?" The only answer that I can give to this query is that the new Birmingham administration must be prodded about as much as the outgoing one, before it will act. We are sadly mistaken if we feel that the election of Albert Boutwell as mayor will bring the millennium to Birmingham. While Mr. Boutwell is a much more gentle person than Mr. Connor, they are both segregationists, dedicated to maintenance of the status quo. I have hope that Mr. Boutwell will be reasonable enough to see the futility of massive resistance to desegregation. But he will not see this without pressure from devotees of civil rights. My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without determined legal and nonviolent pressure. Lamentably, it is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals.
We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct action campaign that was "well timed" in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has almost always meant "Never." We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice too long delayed is justice denied."
We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait." But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate filled policemen curse, kick and even kill your black brothers and sisters; when you see the vast majority of your twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six year old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a five year old son who is asking: "Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean?"; when you take a cross county drive and find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of your automobile because no motel will accept you; when you are humiliated day in and day out by nagging signs reading "white" and "colored"; when your first name becomes "nigger," your middle name becomes "boy" (however old you are) and your last name becomes "John," and your wife and mother are never given the respected title "Mrs."; when you are harried by day and haunted by night by the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tiptoe stance, never quite knowing what to expect next, and are plagued with inner fears and outer resentments; when you are forever fighting a degenerating sense of "nobodiness"--then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs, you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience. You express a great deal of anxiety over our willingness to break laws. This is certainly a legitimate concern. Since we so diligently urge people to obey the Supreme Court's decision of 1954 outlawing segregation in the public schools, at first glance it may seem rather paradoxical for us consciously to break laws. One may well ask: "How can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?" The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that "an unjust law is no law at all."
Now, what is the difference between the two? How does one determine whether a law is just or unjust? A just law is a man made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God. An unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law. To put it in the terms of St. Thomas Aquinas: An unjust law is a human law that is not rooted in eternal law and natural law. Any law that uplifts human personality is just. Any law that degrades human personality is unjust. All segregation statutes are unjust because segregation distorts the soul and damages the personality. It gives the segregator a false sense of superiority and the segregated a false sense of inferiority. Segregation, to use the terminology of the Jewish philosopher Martin Buber, substitutes an "I it" relationship for an "I thou" relationship and ends up relegating persons to the status of things. Hence segregation is not only politically, economically and sociologically unsound, it is morally wrong and sinful. Paul Tillich has said that sin is separation. Is not segregation an existential expression of man's tragic separation, his awful estrangement, his terrible sinfulness? Thus it is that I can urge men to obey the 1954 decision of the Supreme Court, for it is morally right; and I can urge them to disobey segregation ordinances, for they are morally wrong.
Let us consider a more concrete example of just and unjust laws. An unjust law is a code that a numerical or power majority group compels a minority group to obey but does not make binding on itself. This is difference made legal. By the same token, a just law is a code that a majority compels a minority to follow and that it is willing to follow itself. This is sameness made legal. Let me give another explanation. A law is unjust if it is inflicted on a minority that, as a result of being denied the right to vote, had no part in enacting or devising the law. Who can say that the legislature of Alabama which set up that state's segregation laws was democratically elected? Throughout Alabama all sorts of devious methods are used to prevent Negroes from becoming registered voters, and there are some counties in which, even though Negroes constitute a majority of the population, not a single Negro is registered. Can any law enacted under such circumstances be considered democratically structured?
Sometimes a law is just on its face and unjust in its application. For instance, I have been arrested on a charge of parading without a permit. Now, there is nothing wrong in having an ordinance which requires a permit for a parade. But such an ordinance becomes unjust when it is used to maintain segregation and to deny citizens the First-Amendment privilege of peaceful assembly and protest.
I hope you are able to see the distinction I am trying to point out. In no sense do I advocate evading or defying the law, as would the rabid segregationist. That would lead to anarchy. One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to accept the penalty. I submit that an individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust, and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect for law.
Of course, there is nothing new about this kind of civil disobedience. It was evidenced sublimely in the refusal of Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego to obey the laws of Nebuchadnezzar, on the ground that a higher moral law was at stake. It was practiced superbly by the early Christians, who were willing to face hungry lions and the excruciating pain of chopping blocks rather than submit to certain unjust laws of the Roman Empire. To a degree, academic freedom is a reality today because Socrates practiced civil disobedience. In our own nation, the Boston Tea Party represented a massive act of civil disobedience.
We should never forget that everything Adolf Hitler did in Germany was "legal" and everything the Hungarian freedom fighters did in Hungary was "illegal." It was "illegal" to aid and comfort a Jew in Hitler's Germany. Even so, I am sure that, had I lived in Germany at the time, I would have aided and comforted my Jewish brothers. If today I lived in a Communist country where certain principles dear to the Christian faith are suppressed, I would openly advocate disobeying that country's antireligious laws.
I must make two honest confessions to you, my Christian and Jewish brothers. First, I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to "order" than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: "I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action"; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a "more convenient season." Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection.
I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that law and order exist for the purpose of establishing justice and that when they fail in this purpose they become the dangerously structured dams that block the flow of social progress. I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that the present tension in the South is a necessary phase of the transition from an obnoxious negative peace, in which the Negro passively accepted his unjust plight, to a substantive and positive peace, in which all men will respect the dignity and worth of human personality. Actually, we who engage in nonviolent direct action are not the creators of tension. We merely bring to the surface the hidden tension that is already alive. We bring it out in the open, where it can be seen and dealt with. Like a boil that can never be cured so long as it is covered up but must be opened with all its ugliness to the natural medicines of air and light, injustice must be exposed, with all the tension its exposure creates, to the light of human conscience and the air of national opinion before it can be cured.
In your statement you assert that our actions, even though peaceful, must be condemned because they precipitate violence. But is this a logical assertion? Isn't this like condemning a robbed man because his possession of money precipitated the evil act of robbery? Isn't this like condemning Socrates because his unswerving commitment to truth and his philosophical inquiries precipitated the act by the misguided populace in which they made him drink hemlock? Isn't this like condemning Jesus because his unique God consciousness and never ceasing devotion to God's will precipitated the evil act of crucifixion? We must come to see that, as the federal courts have consistently affirmed, it is wrong to urge an individual to cease his efforts to gain his basic constitutional rights because the quest may precipitate violence. Society must protect the robbed and punish the robber. I had also hoped that the white moderate would reject the myth concerning time in relation to the struggle for freedom. I have just received a letter from a white brother in Texas. He writes: "All Christians know that the colored people will receive equal rights eventually, but it is possible that you are in too great a religious hurry. It has taken Christianity almost two thousand years to accomplish what it has. The teachings of Christ take time to come to earth." Such an attitude stems from a tragic misconception of time, from the strangely irrational notion that there is something in the very flow of time that will inevitably cure all ills. Actually, time itself is neutral; it can be used either destructively or constructively. More and more I feel that the people of ill will have used time much more effectively than have the people of good will. We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the hateful words and actions of the bad people but for the appalling silence of the good people. Human progress never rolls in on wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co workers with God, and without this hard work, time itself becomes an ally of the forces of social stagnation. We must use time creatively, in the knowledge that the time is always ripe to do right. Now is the time to make real the promise of democracy and transform our pending national elegy into a creative psalm of brotherhood. Now is the time to lift our national policy from the quicksand of racial injustice to the solid rock of human dignity.
You speak of our activity in Birmingham as extreme. At first I was rather disappointed that fellow clergymen would see my nonviolent efforts as those of an extremist. I began thinking about the fact that I stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency, made up in part of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, are so drained of self respect and a sense of "somebodiness" that they have adjusted to segregation; and in part of a few middle-class Negroes who, because of a degree of academic and economic security and because in some ways they profit by segregation, have become insensitive to the problems of the masses. The other force is one of bitterness and hatred, and it comes perilously close to advocating violence. It is expressed in the various black nationalist groups that are springing up across the nation, the largest and best known being Elijah Muhammad's Muslim movement. Nourished by the Negro's frustration over the continued existence of racial discrimination, this movement is made up of people who have lost faith in America, who have absolutely repudiated Christianity, and who have concluded that the white man is an incorrigible "devil."
I have tried to stand between these two forces, saying that we need emulate neither the "do nothingism" of the complacent nor the hatred and despair of the black nationalist. For there is the more excellent way of love and nonviolent protest. I am grateful to God that, through the influence of the Negro church, the way of nonviolence became an integral part of our struggle. If this philosophy had not emerged, by now many streets of the South would, I am convinced, be flowing with blood. And I am further convinced that if our white brothers dismiss as "rabble rousers" and "outside agitators" those of us who employ nonviolent direct action, and if they refuse to support our nonviolent efforts, millions of Negroes will, out of frustration and despair, seek solace and security in black nationalist ideologies--a development that would inevitably lead to a frightening racial nightmare.
Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever. The yearning for freedom eventually manifests itself, and that is what has happened to the American Negro. Something within has reminded him of his birthright of freedom, and something without has reminded him that it can be gained. Consciously or unconsciously, he has been caught up by the Zeitgeist, and with his black brothers of Africa and his brown and yellow brothers of Asia, South America and the Caribbean, the United States Negro is moving with a sense of great urgency toward the promised land of racial justice. If one recognizes this vital urge that has engulfed the Negro community, one should readily understand why public demonstrations are taking place. The Negro has many pent up resentments and latent frustrations, and he must release them. So let him march; let him make prayer pilgrimages to the city hall; let him go on freedom rides -and try to understand why he must do so. If his repressed emotions are not released in nonviolent ways, they will seek expression through violence; this is not a threat but a fact of history. So I have not said to my people: "Get rid of your discontent." Rather, I have tried to say that this normal and healthy discontent can be channeled into the creative outlet of nonviolent direct action. And now this approach is being termed extremist. But though I was initially disappointed at being categorized as an extremist, as I continued to think about the matter I gradually gained a measure of satisfaction from the label. Was not Jesus an extremist for love: "Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you." Was not Amos an extremist for justice: "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like an ever flowing stream." Was not Paul an extremist for the Christian gospel: "I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus." Was not Martin Luther an extremist: "Here I stand; I cannot do otherwise, so help me God." And John Bunyan: "I will stay in jail to the end of my days before I make a butchery of my conscience." And Abraham Lincoln: "This nation cannot survive half slave and half free." And Thomas Jefferson: "We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal . . ." So the question is not whether we will be extremists, but what kind of extremists we will be. Will we be extremists for hate or for love? Will we be extremists for the preservation of injustice or for the extension of justice? In that dramatic scene on Calvary's hill three men were crucified. We must never forget that all three were crucified for the same crime--the crime of extremism. Two were extremists for immorality, and thus fell below their environment. The other, Jesus Christ, was an extremist for love, truth and goodness, and thereby rose above his environment. Perhaps the South, the nation and the world are in dire need of creative extremists.
I had hoped that the white moderate would see this need. Perhaps I was too optimistic; perhaps I expected too much. I suppose I should have realized that few members of the oppressor race can understand the deep groans and passionate yearnings of the oppressed race, and still fewer have the vision to see that injustice must be rooted out by strong, persistent and determined action. I am thankful, however, that some of our white brothers in the South have grasped the meaning of this social revolution and committed themselves to it. They are still all too few in quantity, but they are big in quality. Some -such as Ralph McGill, Lillian Smith, Harry Golden, James McBride Dabbs, Ann Braden and Sarah Patton Boyle--have written about our struggle in eloquent and prophetic terms. Others have marched with us down nameless streets of the South. They have languished in filthy, roach infested jails, suffering the abuse and brutality of policemen who view them as "dirty nigger-lovers." Unlike so many of their moderate brothers and sisters, they have recognized the urgency of the moment and sensed the need for powerful "action" antidotes to combat the disease of segregation. Let me take note of my other major disappointment. I have been so greatly disappointed with the white church and its leadership. Of course, there are some notable exceptions. I am not unmindful of the fact that each of you has taken some significant stands on this issue. I commend you, Reverend Stallings, for your Christian stand on this past Sunday, in welcoming Negroes to your worship service on a nonsegregated basis. I commend the Catholic leaders of this state for integrating Spring Hill College several years ago.
But despite these notable exceptions, I must honestly reiterate that I have been disappointed with the church. I do not say this as one of those negative critics who can always find something wrong with the church. I say this as a minister of the gospel, who loves the church; who was nurtured in its bosom; who has been sustained by its spiritual blessings and who will remain true to it as long as the cord of life shall lengthen.
When I was suddenly catapulted into the leadership of the bus protest in Montgomery, Alabama, a few years ago, I felt we would be supported by the white church. I felt that the white ministers, priests and rabbis of the South would be among our strongest allies. Instead, some have been outright opponents, refusing to understand the freedom movement and misrepresenting its leaders; all too many others have been more cautious than courageous and have remained silent behind the anesthetizing security of stained glass windows.
In spite of my shattered dreams, I came to Birmingham with the hope that the white religious leadership of this community would see the justice of our cause and, with deep moral concern, would serve as the channel through which our just grievances could reach the power structure. I had hoped that each of you would understand. But again I have been disappointed.
I have heard numerous southern religious leaders admonish their worshipers to comply with a desegregation decision because it is the law, but I have longed to hear white ministers declare: "Follow this decree because integration is morally right and because the Negro is your brother." In the midst of blatant injustices inflicted upon the Negro, I have watched white churchmen stand on the sideline and mouth pious irrelevancies and sanctimonious trivialities. In the midst of a mighty struggle to rid our nation of racial and economic injustice, I have heard many ministers say: "Those are social issues, with which the gospel has no real concern." And I have watched many churches commit themselves to a completely other worldly religion which makes a strange, un-Biblical distinction between body and soul, between the sacred and the secular.
I have traveled the length and breadth of Alabama, Mississippi and all the other southern states. On sweltering summer days and crisp autumn mornings I have looked at the South's beautiful churches with their lofty spires pointing heavenward. I have beheld the impressive outlines of her massive religious education buildings. Over and over I have found myself asking: "What kind of people worship here? Who is their God? Where were their voices when the lips of Governor Barnett dripped with words of interposition and nullification? Where were they when Governor Wallace gave a clarion call for defiance and hatred? Where were their voices of support when bruised and weary Negro men and women decided to rise from the dark dungeons of complacency to the bright hills of creative protest?"
Yes, these questions are still in my mind. In deep disappointment I have wept over the laxity of the church. But be assured that my tears have been tears of love. There can be no deep disappointment where there is not deep love. Yes, I love the church. How could I do otherwise? I am in the rather unique position of being the son, the grandson and the great grandson of preachers. Yes, I see the church as the body of Christ. But, oh! How we have blemished and scarred that body through social neglect and through fear of being nonconformists.
There was a time when the church was very powerful--in the time when the early Christians rejoiced at being deemed worthy to suffer for what they believed. In those days the church was not merely a thermometer that recorded the ideas and principles of popular opinion; it was a thermostat that transformed the mores of society. Whenever the early Christians entered a town, the people in power became disturbed and immediately sought to convict the Christians for being "disturbers of the peace" and "outside agitators."' But the Christians pressed on, in the conviction that they were "a colony of heaven," called to obey God rather than man. Small in number, they were big in commitment. They were too God-intoxicated to be "astronomically intimidated." By their effort and example they brought an end to such ancient evils as infanticide and gladiatorial contests. Things are different now. So often the contemporary church is a weak, ineffectual voice with an uncertain sound. So often it is an archdefender of the status quo. Far from being disturbed by the presence of the church, the power structure of the average community is consoled by the church's silent--and often even vocal--sanction of things as they are.
But the judgment of God is upon the church as never before. If today's church does not recapture the sacrificial spirit of the early church, it will lose its authenticity, forfeit the loyalty of millions, and be dismissed as an irrelevant social club with no meaning for the twentieth century. Every day I meet young people whose disappointment with the church has turned into outright disgust.
Perhaps I have once again been too optimistic. Is organized religion too inextricably bound to the status quo to save our nation and the world? Perhaps I must turn my faith to the inner spiritual church, the church within the church, as the true ekklesia and the hope of the world. But again I am thankful to God that some noble souls from the ranks of organized religion have broken loose from the paralyzing chains of conformity and joined us as active partners in the struggle for freedom. They have left their secure congregations and walked the streets of Albany, Georgia, with us. They have gone down the highways of the South on tortuous rides for freedom. Yes, they have gone to jail with us. Some have been dismissed from their churches, have lost the support of their bishops and fellow ministers. But they have acted in the faith that right defeated is stronger than evil triumphant. Their witness has been the spiritual salt that has preserved the true meaning of the gospel in these troubled times. They have carved a tunnel of hope through the dark mountain of disappointment. I hope the church as a whole will meet the challenge of this decisive hour. But even if the church does not come to the aid of justice, I have no despair about the future. I have no fear about the outcome of our struggle in Birmingham, even if our motives are at present misunderstood. We will reach the goal of freedom in Birmingham and all over the nation, because the goal of America is freedom. Abused and scorned though we may be, our destiny is tied up with America's destiny. Before the pilgrims landed at Plymouth, we were here. Before the pen of Jefferson etched the majestic words of the Declaration of Independence across the pages of history, we were here. For more than two centuries our forebears labored in this country without wages; they made cotton king; they built the homes of their masters while suffering gross injustice and shameful humiliation -and yet out of a bottomless vitality they continued to thrive and develop. If the inexpressible cruelties of slavery could not stop us, the opposition we now face will surely fail. We will win our freedom because the sacred heritage of our nation and the eternal will of God are embodied in our echoing demands. Before closing I feel impelled to mention one other point in your statement that has troubled me profoundly. You warmly commended the Birmingham police force for keeping "order" and "preventing violence." I doubt that you would have so warmly commended the police force if you had seen its dogs sinking their teeth into unarmed, nonviolent Negroes. I doubt that you would so quickly commend the policemen if you were to observe their ugly and inhumane treatment of Negroes here in the city jail; if you were to watch them push and curse old Negro women and young Negro girls; if you were to see them slap and kick old Negro men and young boys; if you were to observe them, as they did on two occasions, refuse to give us food because we wanted to sing our grace together. I cannot join you in your praise of the Birmingham police department.
It is true that the police have exercised a degree of discipline in handling the demonstrators. In this sense they have conducted themselves rather "nonviolently" in public. But for what purpose? To preserve the evil system of segregation. Over the past few years I have consistently preached that nonviolence demands that the means we use must be as pure as the ends we seek. I have tried to make clear that it is wrong to use immoral means to attain moral ends. But now I must affirm that it is just as wrong, or perhaps even more so, to use moral means to preserve immoral ends. Perhaps Mr. Connor and his policemen have been rather nonviolent in public, as was Chief Pritchett in Albany, Georgia, but they have used the moral means of nonviolence to maintain the immoral end of racial injustice. As T. S. Eliot has said: "The last temptation is the greatest treason: To do the right deed for the wrong reason."
2020.07.13 00:41 genuisgeek GMHI DD
2020.07.12 14:50 monkeysread Looking for Tattoo/piercing shop reccomendations
2020.07.10 04:01 chaoism International student forming an LLC so she can use her opt for it
2020.07.08 18:25 ReaverDrop List of Albany, NY businesses that got a PPP loan of >$150k
2020.06.30 04:10 DriftingIsAReligion UPDATE: Coding&&Community's donation matching has passed $2,000. We're now partnering with Upsilon Pi Epsilon, who have pledged $850, to keep the campaign going!
2020.06.20 20:56 RedditRocks2021 Free Amusement Park Ticket w/ Blood Donation - Ends August 15, 2020 - Michigan & Ohio
submitted by RedditRocks2021 to MonroeMI [link] [comments]
AMERICAN RED CROSS - FREE AMUSEMENT PARK VOUCHER OFFER - 2020 SEASON
The American Red Cross and Cedar Fair theme parks are joining together to encourage blood donations this summer. Those who come out to donate blood at select blood drives will receive a free Cedar Fair park ticket in thanks for helping save lives. .
All those who come to donate at select blood drives will receive one free ticket, valid for entry to participating U.S. Cedar Fair parks, including Cedar Point, Kings Island and others, while supplies last. Tickets are valid during the 2020 and 2021 seasons, and other restrictions may apply.
Register thru website listed below for each state, Find the blood drive you want to attend, click link and enter the zip code for that blood drive and register online for an appointment. One (1) Free Cedar Fair ticket voucher available at these Amusement Parks & Blood Drives (below) only. Free Ticket Voucher may be mailed, Voucher is valid for one daily park entry and expires at the end of the 2021 Season. Due to limited tickets available at each location below. Advance Registration Required to receive amusement park voucher. 2 Pieces of ID is required to donate blood.
Due to the Corona Virus, Please call ahead to make sure they are open on selected dates. Other locations and States will be added and updated in the days to come at the Cedar Point link at very bottom.. Thanks so much for your patience.
Free Admission Voucher good at any of these Theme Parks:
SAFETY MEASURES WILL BE IMPLEMENTED AT ALL BLOOD DRIVES INCLUDING: ===================================================================
* Checking the temperature of staff and donors before entering a drive to make sure they are healthy.
* Providing hand sanitizer for use before the drive, as well as throughout the donation process.
* Wearing gloves and changing gloves with each donor.
* Staff, donors and all visitors wearing face masks at all times.
* Spacing beds to follow social distancing practices between blood donors.
* Wiping down donor-touched areas between each donor.
* Increasing enhanced disinfecting of surfaces and equipment.
* Appointments are strongly recommended to help control the crowd, and maintain social distancing...
STATE OF MICHIGAN - Click Here for an Appointment
6/23/20....12:00 pm - 5:45 pm....The Peoples Church 200 W Grand River Ave, East Lansing, MI 48823...................Phone: (517) 332-5073
7/07/20....11:00 am - 5:00 pm....Redeemer Fellowship Church 5305 Evergreen Drive, Monroe, MI 48161...............Phone: (734) 242-5277
STATE OF OHIO - Click Here for an Appointment
6/23/20....12:00 pm - 06:00 pm...Heidelberg University - Campus Center 44 Greenfield St Tiffin, OH 44883..............Phone: (800) 434-3352
6/24/20......7:00 am – 7:00 pm.....Makoy Center 5462 Center St, Hilliard, OH 43026.....................................................Phone: (614) 777-1211
6/25/20......7:00 am – 7:00 pm.....Makoy Center 5462 Center St, Hilliard, OH 43026.....................................................Phone: (614) 777-1211
6/25/20....12:00 pm - 6:00 pm......American Legion 500 Glenwood Napoleon, OH 43545.............................................Phone: (419) 592-5561
6/26/20....10:00 am - 4:30 pm......Advent Lutheran Church 7985 Munson Rd. Mentor, OH 44060................................Phone: (440) 257-5565
6/30/20.......1:00 pm - 7:00 pm.....The Dairy Barn Arts Center-AEP Performance Wing 8000 Dairy Ln, Athens, OH.....Phone: (740) 592-4981
7/01/20.........1:00 pm - 7:00 pm.....Athens Recreation Center 701 E State St, Athens, OH 45701.................................Phone: (740) 592-3325
7/01/20........12:00 pm - 6:00 pm.....Grand Lake United Methodist Church, 119 E. Fulton St., Celina, OH, 45822........Phone: (419) 586-6621
7/02/20.........2:00 pm - 8:00 pm.....Colony Square Mall 3575 Maple Ave, Zanesville, OH 43701...................................Phone: (740) 454-3255
7/02/20.........8:30 am- 2:30 pm......Hilton Garden Inn 6165 Levis Commons Blvd. Perrysburg, OH 43551...................Phone: (419) 873-0700
7/02/20 ......10:00 am - 4:00 pm.....Discover Christian Church 2900 Martin Rd #1448, Dublin, OH 43017....................Phone: (614) 889-1572
7/02/20.........1:00 pm - 7:00 pm.....St. Paul Catholic Church, 313 N State St, Westerville, OH 43082............................Phone: (614) 882-2109
7/03/20.........9:00 am - 5:00 pm.....Fairview Recreation Center 21225 Lorain Road Fairview Park, OH 44126..............Phone: (440) 331-3180
7/06/20 ......11:00 am - 5:00 pm.....Riverside Methodist Hospital 3545 Olentangy River Rd, Columbus, OH 43214.....Phone: (614) 566-5000
7/07/20......12:00 pm - 7:00 pm.....Knights of Columbus 1232 E Center St, Marion, OH 43302....................................Phone: (740) 387-1566
7/08/20........8:00 pm - 8:00 pm.....Ohio Health Berger Hospital 600 N Pickaway St, Circleville, OH 43113.................Phone: (740) 474-2126
7/08/20.........7:00 am - 6:00 pm.....Westlake Recreation Center 28955 Hilliard Rd. Westlake, OH 44145.....................Phone: (440) 808-5700
7/08/20 ......10:00 am - 4:00 pm.....Nationwide Arena 200 W Nationwide Blvd, Columbus, OH 43215..........................Phone: (614) 246-2000
7/09/20.......12:00 pm - 6:00 pm.....Zenobia Shriners 8048 Broadstone Blvd. Perrysburg, OH 43551............................Phone: (419) 661-9200
7/09/20.........1:00 PM - 7:00 PM.....Saint Mark Lutheran Church 1330 N. Carpenter Road Brunswick, OH 44212........Phone: (330) 225-4395
7/09/20.........9:00 AM - 2:00 PM.....North Ridgeville Library 35700 Bainbridge Road North Ridgeville, OH 44039........Phone: (440) 327-8326
7/10/20.......11:00 am - 5:00 pm.....Mount Carmel East Hospital,Siegel Center, 6001 E Broad St, Columbus, OH........ Phone: (614) 234-6000
7/10/20.........1:00 PM - 7:00 PM.....Hilton Garden Inn 700 Beta Drive Mayfield Village, OH 44143................................Phone: (440) 646-1777
7/16/20.......11:00 AM - 5:00 PM.....American Red Cross 501 West Market Street Akron, OH 44303.............................Phone: (330) 535-6131
7/17/20 ......10:00 am - 4:00 pm.....Capital University, Student Union,1 College Ave, Columbus, OH 43209..................Phone: (614) 236-6011
7/17/20.......11:00 AM - 5:00 PM.....American Legion 5580 Centennial Road Sylvania, OH 43560.................................Phone: (419) 882-9080
7/20/20......12:00 pm - 6:00 pm.....Makoy Center 5462 Center St, Hilliard, OH 43026.....................................................Phone: (614) 777-1211
7/22/20......11:30 am - 5:30 pm......Wickliffe Community Center 900 Worden Road Wickliffe, OH 44092......................Phone: (440) 373-5015
7/22/20......12:00 pm - 6:00 pm.....St. Rose Catholic Church 309 N Main St, New Lexington, OH 43764......................Phone: (740) 342-1348
7/22/20......12:00 pm - 6:00 pm.....Elks Lodge 231 Buckeye Blvd. Port Clinton, OH 43452.............................................Phone: (419) 734-1900
7/22/20......12:00 pm - 6:00 pm.....Elks Lodge 320 E. Wyandot Upper Sandusky, OH 43351..........................................Phone: (419) 294-2926
7/23/20.........1:00 pm - 7:00 pm.....Camp Warsaw Retreat Center, 818 E Main St, Warsaw, OH 43844..........................Phone: (740) 824-4051
7/29/20.........9:00 am - 7:00 pm.....Richland Mall, 2209 Richland Mall, Mansfield, OH 44906.........................................Phone: (419) 529-5312
7/31/20 ......10:00 am - 4:00 pm.....American Red Cross 181 N Bridge St, Chillicothe, OH 45601...................................Phone: (800) 733-2767
8/01/20.........1:00 pm - 7:00 pm.....Glenn A. Gallagher Centre,1451 Gambier Road, Mount Vernon, OH 43050..............Phone: (740) 263-7008
8/03/20.........1:30 pm - 7:30 pm.....New Albany Methodist Church, 20 3rd St, New Albany, OH 43054...........................Phone: (614) 855-1403
8/04/20.........1:00 pm - 7:00 pm.....The Glenn A. Gallagher Centre 1451 Gambier Road, Mount Vernon, OH 43050......Phone: (740) 263-7008
8/05/20.......12:30 pm - 6:30 pm.....Cuyahoga County Public Library 5071 Wallings Rd North Royalton, OH 44133.......Phone: (440) 237-3800
8/11/20.......11:00 am - 6:00 pm.....Church in the Indian Mound Mall 771 S 30th St, Heath, OH 43056...........................Phone: (740) 522-6962
..CEDAR POINT AMUSEMENT PARK - 2020 Season - Free, Discount & Group Tickets, Hotels, Contests, Jobs, Bus Transportation - Sandusky, OH
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